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Murder for his glory,murder for his hunger
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Fight For Liberty
Speech by Charles Chaplin () from The Great Dictator movie (1940)I'm sorry, but I don't want to be an emperor. That's not my business. I don't want to rule or conquer anyone. I should like to help
Jew, Gentile, black man, white. We all want to help one another. Human beings are like that. We want to live by each other's happiness, not by each other's misery. We don't want to hate and despise one another. In this world there is room for everyone, and the good earth is rich and can provide for everyone.The way of life can be free and beautiful. But we have lost the way.Greed has poisoned men's souls, has barricaded the world with hate, has goose-stepped us into misery and bloodshed. We have developed speed, but we have shut ourselves in. Machinery that gives abundance has left us in want. Our knowledg our cleverness, hard and unkind. We think too much and feel too little. More than machinery, we need humanity. More than cleverness, we need kindness and gentleness. Without these qualities, life will be violent and all will be lost.The airplane and the radio have brought us closer together. The very nature of these inventions cries out for cries out for u for the unity of us all. Even now my voice is reaching millions throughout the world, millions of despairing men, women, and little children, victims of a system that makes men torture and imprison innocent people. To those who can hear me, I say, do not despair. The misery that is now upon us is but the passing of greed, the bitterness of men who fear the way of human progress.&&The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish. Soldiers! Don't give yourselves to brutes, men who despise you, who regiment your lives, tell you what to do, what to think and what to feel! Who drill you, diet you, treat you like cattle, use you as cannon fodder. Don't give yourselves to these unnatural men - machine men with machine minds and machine hearts! You are not machines, you are not cattle, you are men! You have the love of humanity in your hearts! You don't hate! O the unloved and the unnatural. Soldiers! Don't fight for slavery! Fight for liberty! In the seventeenth chapter of St. Luke, it is written that the kingdom of God is within man, not one man nor a group of men, but in all men! In you! You, the people, have the power, the power to create machines, the power to create happiness! You, the people, have the power to make this life free and beautiful, to make this life a wonderful adventure. Then in the name of democracy, let us use that power. Let us all unite. Let us fight for a new world, a decent world that will give men a chance to work, that will give youth a future and old age a security. By the promise of these things, brutes have risen to power.But they lie! They do not fulfill that promise. They never will! Dictators free themselves but they enslave the people. Now let us fight to fulfill that promise. Let us fight to free the world! To do away with national barriers! To do away with greed, with hate and intolerance! Let us fight for a world of reason, a world where science and progress will lead to all men's happiness. Soldiers, in the name of democracy, let us all unite!
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我不知道你教了我什么。
我大概知道你让我觉得散漫与混乱也会被认可的，是会被倾听的。
我大概知道，你的存在，让我构想出了一种能力，这种能力让我尝试着去理解超过于我理解力的东西，让我尝试着去接触我所抵触的东西，让我无痛苦地打破了自己的局限。& 当我自己认识到自己以前思考的片面和错误的时候，那一刻，我没有沮丧。
那一刻，我为自己高兴。我对思想的重新理解与递进深入，指引我朝着更高境界走去，犯下更多的错误。而这些错误全都是光荣的错误。宝贵的错误。推翻自己，是种乐趣。
你的存在，让我有了选择的基础。选择想象。为想象中的要求努力。一切都是我的想象，我的想象刺激着我的行动。在行动中我得到自我肯定。
&你到底教了我什么?我也不确定。我只能确定，你教了我很多很多。
亲密才会落入俗套，才会使人置身于现实的丑陋与冷漠。
距离让人如此美好。的确。
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Professor John Merriman: Okay, today I want to talk about the Paris Commune. This is how I end the previous course, but it's the most appropriate place to start this one, because the Paris Commune hung over Europe for the next twenty or thirty years. And, in my view, the Paris Commune and the massacre that followed the Paris Commune, the massacre of thousands and thousands of people, anticipated the twentieth century, when you became guilty for just being who you were. "? Paris tout le monde était coupable,"--"in Paris everybody was guilty," shouted out one of the prosecutors as they shot men and women down.
It would be, and I'll conclude with this, the largest massacre that would take place until the massacre of Armenians by Turks in the latter years of the nineteenth century, and in World War One, as well, in 1915, and it sadly anticipates the horror shows of the twentieth century. "? Paris tout le monde était coupable." You were guilty because you were left in Paris, because you were too poor to get out. So, what was the Paris Commune? Some of you already know this, but let me talk about that and then give you my view on it. The Paris Commune has to be placed in the context of two things going on. One is that during the Second Empire, which was that regime of Napoleon III that lasted from 1852 to till he was really rounded up by the Prussians in 1870. There was in the late 1860s a revival of republican and socialist organization, and of anarchist disorganization, if you will.
In June of 1868 the Emperor legalizes public meetings, which had been illegal, and in Paris and in very many places, particularly on the edge of Paris, on the margins of urban life, you had meetings in large warehouses, and in big cafés where people discussed politics and imagined reforms that they wanted in the Empire, or many of them wanted a republic, or some sort of democratic, socialist republic. So, there's a political mobilization in the late 1860s, and in the beginning of 1870 there's a wave of strikes. Strikes had been illegal in France until 1864. Unions would be illegal in France until 1881; but, so, you had a wave of strikes. So, that's really the first context and the mobilization of many ordinary people living in Paris.
The second context is the Franco-Prussian War, which you can read about in Chip Sowerwine's book. But, basically what happens is that Louis Napoleon, Napoleon III, gets suckered into a war without any allies at all because of various dumb things that he'd done against the very clever, extremely aggressive Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian chancellor. It involved one of those obscure things that one had to learn in Western Civ., the way it was taught a long time ago--well I suppose it's worth remembering anyway--it involved the candidacy of a Royal Family member, a rather obscure one, for the throne of France, which would have left France surrounded by the Royal Family of Prussia, Hollenzollerns, a name that in this course you need not retain unless it's in some extraordinarily complicated crossword puzzle. But Napoleon protests vigorously, and then, trying to add insult to injury, his ambassador literally chases the German emperor around his garden and is fairly abusive in a verbal way, and Bismarck seizes on this to stoke up anger against France and then reveals to the European world, or those people who cared, that Napoleon III had earlier tried to make a deal which in exchange for supporting Prussia against Austria he would receive Belgium and Luxemburg, which of course the British could never tolerate.
And so, what happens is that he goes to war in the summer of 1870, without any allies, against Prussia and its South German allies, and he thinks he's going to win. But--as my team was in the Michigan State game last Saturday, with me present, a very sad person you're looking at--he was blown out, and on September 4th, 1870, there is yet another insurrection in Paris. A crowd storms down to the town hall, they seize power, they proclaim a republic, they name streets different names, and they want to prolong the resistance against the Prussian Army, which has through betrayal and cleverly organized military victories--is sweeping aside French resistance. And Napoleon III, who's very sick, he would die a couple of years later, probably of stomach cancer, is captured in the Battle of Sedan, s-e-d-a-n, which is a textile town near the Belgian border in the north of France, and he goes off to--is sent packing off to Britain.
Now, what happens then is that there are those who want to keep fighting. It's quite clear that one of the demands of Prussia--;and, as of late January, a unified Germany--the German Empire was proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors in the Ch?teau of Versailles, by coincidence--but one of the demands is that there'll be a huge indemnity, which the French will have to pay, and that Alsace and Lorraine, those Eastern provinces, largely German speaking, I remind you, would be amputated and would be annexed by Germany. And, after the Paris region, Alsace and Lorraine were the two most industrialized and prosperous parts of France. And, so, in Paris people find themselves surrounded. They find themselves surrounded, and Paris is--it's nothing like- -it's one-third the size of London at this same time, or at any other time, but it has a huge circumference.
There is a wall around Paris and there are exterior forts, but you've got an enormous number of people besieged by Prussian and other German forces, holding on. At one point, a French politician whom you'll meet in the textbook, at least, called Gambetta, who died very young, flies away in a balloon, flies down toward Tours on the Loire Valley to try to raise up resistance there, but things get quickly very grim indeed. In October, a French general capitulates rather scandalously in the town of Metz, in the east, which would become a German town--in fact you go to Metz, maybe some of you have been there, Metz [pronounced Mess]--you'll see this huge sort of lugubrious railroad station that was clearly built in the Second Reich of the Kaisers and of Bismarck.
And, so, Paris is surrounded in this sort of glory that was supposed to be, the Empire has collapsed on the head of France. And, to be sure, there were lots of crowds in Paris. There were the inevitable crowds who shouted for war, which was sort of odd because Paris was increasingly a leftwing city, because the vast majority of the population of Paris were ordinary people, were workers, more about that another time when I talk about P but, the siege goes on and on, and Paris changes appearances. Military dress or parts of uniform become seen just about everywhere. The problem is feeding all of these people, how are you going to feed them? You've got all sorts of animals. You've got horses which you need for the army but also which the you've got cattle but you have enough food to la there's always a lot to drink because of the caves, that is, the wine cellars that people had, but things get worse and worse.
The last regular mail delivery was on September 19th, and thereafter they used balloons. The balloon was invented in the Ardèche by Montgolfier in the late eighteenth century, and the balloon becomes a sort of symbol of perhaps liberty. The people in Paris are awaiting some sort of military help from the provinces, but it simply goes on and on. And during the siege there were sixty-five balloon flights carrying two and a half million letters, weighing a grand total of 10,000 kilograms, so roughly about 20,000 pounds. One astronomer actually left Paris to go off and to observe an eclipse.
They begin using pigeons in order to fly messages out, and then the Germans, who were of course portrayed as committing atrocities--and they'd committed a few, they'd shot some people up in the northeast, but nothing like would occur in 1914, and, of course, nothing at all like what would occur in very different circumstances in . The Germans bring in these falcons and they go out and th and so this was another reason for them, just like the Germans, these poor little pigeons who became the sort of sacred bird, I guess a pigeon's a bird. Pigeons--people, including me, pigeoneau is actually quite good. But, anyway, it seemed like an awful thing to do when they're bringing these falcons and hawks who were imported to intercept these people.
Now, the Paris population included national guardsman, come from the outside to take refuge inside. So, it's rather like a medieval siege, from that point of view. You've got people from the outskirts coming in but, the population is slightly over two million people, and that's a lot of mouths to feed. You've got 1,500 Americans, several of whom leave accounts of the whole thing, 40,000 Belgians, 30,000 Swiss and 5,000 English. So, you're starting out with about--please don't write these down--24,000 cattle, 150,000 sheep, 6,000 hogs, and that is not enough to eat, and people become quite obsessed with what they're going to eat. And you're looking at somebody who basically does not like dogs at all but who loves cats, and canine butchers replaced horse butchers. The horses had mostly been eaten up or had been commandeered, as I said before, by the army.
You can still in France today find not canine butchers, you can find horse butchers, and it's always a red front with a gold head of a horse, appropriately enough. But people began to eat first--not first, but they ate the animals in the zoo and what's his name, Castorin Pollocks, who many Parisian children, generations, had gone to visit the zoo, f and they can't eat the tigers because they're afraid to open the cages, and, unfortunately, the tigers simply croaked because they're not going to waste food on them, from but, they begin eating dogs and cats. And, so, you had this rather odd situation where instead of dogs guarding their masters or mistresses, you had the masters and mistresses guarding the dogs against people who would take the dogs and, unfortunately, kill them and eat them. And they eat cats as well, and, of course, rats. And Paris had and still has millions of rats. Even if you come home about two or 2:30 in the morning near our apartment you can still see rather large rats dashi some of them look so bloated they look like sangliers, or wild boar, which you can see occasionally in parts of rural France.
There were tales, inevitable tales of--and with French food, as you know, presentation accounts for something very much. When food arrives you're likely to say "c'est bien, bien presentée"; it has all sorts of meanings to it, it's well presented, but it's how it looks but how it's served and of course how it tastes, where you would have--unfortunately this pains me when I think of my poor little kitty--a cat with mice artfully placed ar one has to call it that--what do you have?--carcass of cat. And people simply got by as best they could. And so they have this--and Bismarck had predicted that the siege would end if Parisians went several weeks without their café au lait, the whole thing would be over. But, they create a Central Commission of Hygiene and Sobriety which tell people--encourage people to eat healthfully, and don't just get wasted all the time--which is what I would have done, I'll tell you that. No, I take that back, do not film that.
Here's the proposed menu. You don't have to know French to know this, but here's a menu that they're--this is early in the siege. The word for French is cheval, and here' but these people must have been friqués, or fairly wealthy to have been able to eat like this. You don't even have to know French to get this. It starts it with a consumée de cheval, cheval braisé au chou, collet de cheval à la mode, c?te de cheval braisé, fillet de cheval r?ti, boeuf et cheval salé froid--you couldn't do much with horse ice-cream, so it sort of trailed by the end. And somebody once wrote many a superb champion of Longchamps, that is the racetrack, met their end on the table of some well-heeled person from the western fancy districts of Paris. But, it ceased being funny, and it was nothing like the siege of Leningrad where something like a million people died in World War T but, there were all sorts of little caskets being dragged along to what passed then for mortuaries.
Old people and young people, the you and, of course, sheer drunkenness becomes an enormous problem, and so did venereal disease because of the--Paris at any one time, depending on who's counting, but the number of prostitutes was at least 10,000 and probably about 25,000, and so venereal dis and there are also very strange cases of mental illness that were predictable. There are people who are brought into mental institutions who literally think that they're Joan of Arc, who was burned au Calvados--I shouldn't say that--but, in Rouen in t or there are people that believe that they're God, or that they're Saint Louis and can somehow save France.
So, hunger sets in and it becomes extremely sad and tragic, and attempts to break out simply don' but, it had its light moments, and I can never resist those. They do a contest--those of you who like to enter contests--saying, "how can we break out of this awful mess, oh, whatever can we do?" And just three of the suggestions that came in, that I would have rewarded them some sort of prize, were the following, or maybe just two of them. One, somebody says that all of these prostitutes are a valuable resource for Paris--Berlin had its own sad legions of prostitutes as well--and that they must be equipped with what they called Prussic, as in Prussian, but Prussic needles that would have a poison, and then the prostitutes would go out to encounter in some sort of cash exchange Prussian soldiers and, at some key moment in the exchange, would stab them in the neck very
that would be the end of their eating sauerkraut and then Paris would free itself.
Somebody else suggested that because of the influence of Wagner and because of the traditional kind of om-pah music that the Parisians always associated with Germans that you would take the orchestras of Paris and teach them how to play om-pah music--this is what they called it, not the Prussians, of course--and that one day they simply would open up one of the gates of Paris, heavily defended, and would march out playing this music and then behind them would become this huge Trojan horse, which they would call the musical mitrailleuse, or the musical machinegun, which would then open up and start blasting away the poor Prussians, who were always assumed to be, by the sneaky Parisians, to be very dumb, but of course they weren't.
And the other, somebody wrote in and said, well let's just take this huge tarp, put it on the Place de la Concorde, put bacon and other things and use pigeon power, and all the pigeons would come to that place, and then you engulf the pigeons and you have this powerful balloon that can carry all these people in some sort of airborne stagecoach, or diligence, out of Paris. But, the thing, it becomes less and less funny and not at all. And, at the very beginning there was a train that went around the Wall of Paris, more about the walls of Paris another time, that's fun to talk about, and Parisians would take picnic lunches, and they'd get on the train, and then they'd hear these large explosions and realize that they could get killed by these large explosions.
And, so, as things are going downhill many people in Paris said look, we must keep fighting, but we must imagine a different world where--we have, we're being betrayed by the provinces that are not helping us, and we need to have help from the provinces. And, in January, somebody puts up a sign, a big red sign, red being the color of the Left--red was illegal, the color red was illegal between 1849 and 1851, because it was believed to excite one group of people against another, which is an exact quote from the French Law--and it's a big red poster that says, "make way for the Commune, that the people of Paris would have the right to defend themselves and to create a better world in the future."
Now, let me scramble for my implement here. And this is a conservative response to the mobilization of French workers, and this says the working class population won't at all listen to bad advice. And, notice here, this guy, this is your basic Parisian urchin who in 1830 in a Delacroix, a famous Delacroix painting called Liberty Leading the People is sort of the hero, but here he's sort of the bad guy, he's sort of a Gavroche gone totally wrong, and here is temptation, and here's this working class family that will surely resist all of this. And this is--God, I love this--one picture, you first see the first picture you can actually see of Paris, this is what they call a daguerréotype from 1837, the faubourg du temple. And you can actually, instead of imagining what things look like, you can see them. And here, this is from the steps of Montmartre, way before the god-awful Sacré-Coeur was built, the basilica--more about that some other time, when I'm in a real frenzy of contempt for the destruction of the Parisian skyline.
But, anyway, this is looking down from Montmartre, and here you've got the image of-- the female image of liberty, Marianne, and she comes in as the provisional government that is going to capitulate France, it's going to give up, but not that it's going to make a damn bit of difference. And then Adolph Thiers, who somebody once called a miserable gnome--t-h-i-e-r-s, Adolph Thiers is there and he's cutting off the right arm of France, which is Alsace and Lorraine, with Strasbourg and Colmar, and la route des vins and all these important things. And here, this is Marianne being martyred by the French provisional government, and in the back is the--is it the dawning of the social republic of the Left, that is these ordinary people who have fought so long and so hard.
So, France capitulates, not Paris, but France, the provisional government capitulates in the end of January of the year 1871, and the Prussian troops cavalry march down--I guess horses don't march, they trot--but they trot down the Champs-Elysées, and then the concierges from that area go and symbolically, and for real intent also, clean up the stones afterwards, and there's a huge indemnity that has to be paid off, and France will lose Alsace-Lorraine. So, France has this provisional government--you can read about this stuff, it's
well, it's passionately interesting.
But, in February of 1871 there are elections and the provinces, particularly the conservative, western provinces like Brittany return this extremely monarchist dominated National Assembly that is going to determine the future of France. And the landlords come back to Paris, because they had somewhere to go during the siege, and they say, "you pay up, you pay up money with interest"; and the provisional government says, "yes, you pay up money with interest." And people had no money, and there's just incredible anger. And Thiers, who in 1848 had advised another regime that fell to revolution, that is, of the July Monarchy, the plotting Louis-Philippe, to withdraw the troops from Paris, in the account of--if there's any trouble in Paris--he already had this in mind. On March 18th, 1871, he sends troops to Montmartre, the hill of Montmartre, the highest point in Paris, which had only been annexed in 1860, on January 1 Montmartre which still had this somewhat rural atmosphere--there's still a wine produced there, the vineyard is about as big as this room, it's just so they can sell the label of wine from there--because the National Guard of Paris that had defended Paris so heroically, they've still got these guns, and, so, they have these guns and, so, they send the troops to get the guns early in the morning.
The women who are at the market see the troops coming, they call the men folk. The men folk take two generals of the provisional government, they put them up against the wall and they shoot them, and Thiers says now we're going to get these bastards, and he pulls all the troops out, headquartered appropriately enough in Versailles, and Paris is surrounded again by, in this case, somebody else's government, that is, the provisional government. So, the Commune begins on the 18th of March, 1871, and it lasts until the end of May, 1871. Lenin once called it the "Festival of the Oppressed"; and Lenin was wrong about many things, he was right about a few things but wrong about many, but he got that one right. And, so, for the first time ordinary Parisians found themselves masters of their own lives. The wealthy people mostly got out again, and the commune holds on.
The commune, the numbers of the commune were swollen by political refugees. This is a woman called Elisbeth Dmitrieff, who was a Russian militant who was one of the leaders of the commune. And, as in the French Revolution, that is 1789 and following, and as in 1848, clubs of women began to form demanding rights. And the commune, despite the fact that there's lots of--you could hear in the distance the guns sometimes getting closer and closer, and attempts to break out fail miserably, they pass all sorts of impressive social legislation. They create nurseri they give contracts to make National Guard uniforms to women' they plan what will be a lay, seculari they ban night baking because it was not good for the health of people working in bakeries in the middle of the night. And here's a woman's club making demands.
Nobody is yet, except these women, thinking of female suffrage. So, it's kind of an important moment in the history of women, and also it explains the viciousness of the attempt--of the massacre, really, of ordinary working class women when the whole thing falls apart, because women were conceived of as being uppity, as putting forth claims that they shouldn't be making, by conservatives. And a couple of the communards--one is a woman that you'll read about later, called Louise Michel, who spends half her time in exile in London, who was an anarchist, basically, was very important, along with Elisabeth Dmitrieff. And, so, you're surrounded--and people, they don't agree on everything. You've got Jacobins, Jacobins who are the sort of centralized radical republicans or socialists from the French R you've got anarchists who wanted not to take over the state but to destroy it, I'm going to talk about anarchists another time because I'm writing a bo and you've got moderate republicans who simply wanted Paris to have more liberties vis-à-vis the strongly centralized state, more about that next time. You've got moderate socialists, you've got this whole kind of different people, and they're meeting around tables, and talking, and arguing, and debating, and yelling, and hugging, long into the night, as the guns draw nearer.
There were communes in other cities, too, with a variety of demands, in Limoges, in Le Creusot, in Saint-?tienne, in Narbonne, in Lyon and in Marseilles, and even an attempt in Bordeaux. And Paris keeps waiting for these armies of citizens to come--and citoyennes, female citizens, also to
but, in the meantime you've got people from the northern and northeastern quarters of Paris, the poor, living on the edge of Paris who come down into the fancy quarters, for the very first time when they're not working as someone's maid, and they, some--and the painter, Gustav Courbet, the naturalist painter from near Besan?on, thus Burial at Ornans, he says, "why don't we, as a symbol, get rid of this horrible statue of Napoleon that's standing on the Vend?me column in the Place Vend?me?" The Place Vend?me is near Palais Royale, very fancy. It's known to Americans who have visited, there are many, but others because that's the Ritz Hotel where what's-her-name, Princess Diana left ten years ago now and never made it, unfortunately for her, out of the Pont d'Alma, the tunnel. He says let's tear the whole damn thing down.
And, so, this is an entry path to see this, to see this thing brought down as a symbol of centralized oppression. And this is the result, this is the crashing. And, so, people would come down and they'd have their pictures taken with a picture, as if it was part of the true cross of the crashed Vend? because for once they had won, for once they had won. And, so, they have to defend Paris. And, so, you've got all these cannons that you just saw before, and you've got--they still have their uniforms and they build these huge barricades. The first barricades, by the way, were built in Paris in the late sixteenth century, so there's a long tradition. And you could build barricades across smaller streets, but not across big boulevards, and that was part of the rebuilding of Paris in the 1850s and '60s, more about that in a minute and much more about that later, because it' at least, I think it's fascinating.
And here you go, right down by the Seine, there's some Monet and Manet paintings, both, that are further back, from further back, looking over. Here, you've got your basic barricade--and these things are torn up, these are where trees came out of, as in 1968; and here's your sort of kiosk of modernity, somebody selling newspapers on these boulevards, or near these boulevards, and here's some of these people. And most of them would be dead within a month of this photo. And there you are looking at them, trying to protect their city. Now, who, first of all, who were the communards, who were the people that was left? Well, when revolutions are victorious everybody rushes forward and says "moi, j'étais là," I was there, and they give their name and their address and, "why don't you reward me, or at least pay attention to the fact that I was there?"
In Paris, you got the Victory Column of the Revolution of 1830, where the Bastille once stood, and it's got the names of all the people that were killed in three days of July 1830; but, in something like this you have a body count of more than 15,000 people. So, we know who the communards were, they
they were the ordinary workers, men and women who simply couldn't get out. They weren' as I said, some were anarchists, some were moderate republicans, but they were who were left. They were--their very presence there, that's where they lived, but their defense of Paris reflects tensions between urban France and conservative rural France. The armies that they were opposing, the French armies, were largely staffed by peasants from conservative areas, or from National Guards brought in from towns like Vannes, or ?vreux, or all sorts of places, are brought in.
And, so, the commune--it's somewhat semi-proletarian, they're mostly working people. They're particularly people from the poorer quarters of the north and the northeast, more about that later. They are who, the people that were left. They are artisans, craftsmen, day laborers, they are the people who were left. And, what they were trying to do was imagine a new world which would but, for the socialists, they wanted more centralization. So, it was a very complex, complex period indeed. But it reflects the artisinal base that was still part of the French economy, for sure, with the emphasis on skilled production of handbags, and of gloves, and of finely crafted tables. The cabinet makers were always terribly important in the French Revolution, and they still are, and there are still--all the stores, or most of the stores on one particular street in Paris near the Bastille are still furniture stores.
The kind of myth of the commune was, of course, that from the conservatives' point of view--was that these were the furies of hell, the men and the women who rose up to slay their social betters. Well, of course, that's not the case, that's a sort of a myth for the French Revolution as well. And then you had you had your basic republican interpretation that said they were defending the Republic against this sort of monarchy to be restored, and that certainly is
but, it also had its socialist component and Marx, for Marx this was terribly important and for Lenin it was as well. It seemed to be Armageddon for the ruling classes, but it seemed to be that here was this proletariat--even though Marx got that all wrong, because these are not industrial workers, for the most part, but these are the workers that will one day break off their chains. And, so, you can see how this would have an impact on every country, on the United States--those of you who've taken American history, this sort of view that immigrants were increasingly bringing socialism and anarchism to the United States.
The commune is important in the big Hay Market Affair, the collective memory of the commune in the Hay Market Affair in Chicago and the people hung there in--when was it--1886. But, the most important, really the most important result of it was the massacre, I think, itself, because when finally the troops of the provisional government come pouring through the Western gate, a gate that had essentially been left open, in a place called Passy, where there's some very nice art nouveau buildings, by the way, but which was very collaborationist also in World War Two, though not everybody--what they do, the troops do, is they use the boulevards that had built by Napoleon III as a way of getting to those working class neighborhoods that had always risen up.
And Napoleon III and his Prefect of the Seine--a name you don't have to remember now, but sometime it would be nice to remember, called Hausmann, a name so important t to hausmann somethin a man dissed by my late friend Richard Cobb as the "Alsatian Attila"--he had plowed through working class neighborhoods and built the boulevards that--of the modern Paris that one celebrates and where one celebrates. He did it to bring more light, he did it to bring more air, he did it to free the flow for capital, that's why the department stores are on the boulevards. I'll do this again, not this whole lecture but that part again--and he did it because you can't build barricades across boulevards, wide ones.
1944, August, we jump ahead, the boulevard, the barricades are across the same streets where they were in many cases in 1792 and in 1789. And the problem, in 1968 it was very hard to build a barricade across the Boulevard St. Michel, which was built by Hausmann at this time. So, the troops come pouring in. This is down the Rue de Rivoli, which was completed in the 1850s and '60s, and the damage is staggering. This is the Church of the Madeleine, which is still there, and this is the Rue Royale. These streets do not matter, it's just the visual images with what is really going on that counts. The H?tel de Ville, which was destroyed. Interestingly enough, ten years ago somebody found photos taken by this Parisian of the siege in the Commune in the back of the H?tel de V they were found ten years ago, they had survived. I just saw an exposition of them at the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris in January, of photos that had ne but, anyway, this is the H?tel de Ville which is down by Notre Dame, though it's not in the cité. Don't worry about these places.
And then, they put the women on trial. There had been a rumor that female incendiaries, in French les pétroleuses, had been setting fire to fancy houses and had been burning down the Bank of France. And so this rumor was part of the fear of "upitty women" putting forth demands, and they squished them like grapes, and they hauled them off and shot them. Goncourt, one of the writers, the Goncourts, the one who hadn't died yet, was no friend of ordinary people, but there's an amazing scene in his memoirs when he's down by the H?tel de Ville and he sees these women chained together, being walked around, and he says, "Well what--where are they going?" And, so, the guy next to him says, "Well they're going to shoot them." He said, "What do you--they're going to shoot them? You don't shoot women, do they?" Well they did. And he describes it and it's terrifying. I used to read it, but I could never get through it--terrifying. And then he hears the coup de gr?ce, it's the shots, one after another, and then he sees a priest staggering out, overwhelmed by it all, and then he moves onto something else.
The Execution, this is Manet, who is horrified by the whole thing. Manet wasn't there. Courbet also did an execution scene. And, in the end what there was was this, "à Paris tout le monde était coupable," Paris, everybody was guilty. Little coffins, people were smaller then. You can still see in the Pantheon--the sort of secular monument to some very wonderful people like ?mile Zola, but also just Napoleonic generals, one after another--you can still see bullet holes there, from the Commune, not just from World War Two, from where people were executed. And lots of people who were chimney sweeps were executed because they had been cleaning chimneys and they had gun--the equivalent, they had charcoal on their cheeks and people, they would rip off your shirt to see if you had a bruise from a recoiling rifle.
And it wasn't a neutral massacre. What is was, they went to areas of Paris like Belleville, which is in the northeast, which had long been assumed to be a radical place, and Montmartre, and that's where their collective memory of the "forces of order," as they liked to call it, was very, very precise, and that's where they went in and massacred them. And that is the most chilling probably legacy of the whole thing. Now, I know it's easy to look at me and say, "God, there's an old leftie, why doesn't he grow up?" That's what my wife says sometimes, "why don't you grow up?" But, "why don't you get over this?" I remember when I was a student in Paris I remember going up to--there's a place at Père Lachaise Cemetery, and there's the Wall of the Fédérés, it's called the Wall of the Fédérés, and that's where they massacred lots of people. And people used to go up there on May Day, and sometimes on the anniversary of the commune, just to see where these people fell, with enormous more dignity than the people who shot them.
And this was the ultimate lesson of the Commune that would hang over Europe. For the Left, it was a sign that the state is strong, powerful, and can be vicious. Don't let anyone ever tell you that the victims of terrorism in any century are anywhere approximately near the victims of state terrorism. No matter how awful terrorism was in the anarchist attacks at the beginning of the 1890s, and I'm going to talk to you about it because I' but, this was the real lesson of all of this, as the state, ever more stronger in Europe since the consolidation of territorial monarchies in the fifteenth century, the state growing in power with absolutism, growing in power with the revolution with Napoleon, growing in power with unification of national states.
The state could strike back with unparalleled savagery against those people who got in the way, and that's what happened at the commune, in the Paris Commune. How many people died? Minimum estimate 15,000, probably closer to 25,000. Yet, when they did the census of 1872 in Paris alone there were 10,000 less shoemakers than there had been before. Shoemakers were an extraordinarily radical trade. Were they all hiding in their aunt's house in Orléans? Where were they? The flames engulfed the bodies, they were gone, and the amnesty for the communards, the people in the commune, wouldn't come till 1879, but it hung like a shadow over European politics and French politics for years and years.
And, you know, when you go up there, as you go up to Montmartre, it's incredible--because I was there once very, very late in the afternoon, and oddly enough I met this woman who went there every day and I said, "why do you go there every day?" And she said she had some sort of lung disease and she couldn't get out of Paris but she could go into Père Lachaise, and she knew where every tomb was. And she took us up to see the Wall of the Fédérés, I was with some friends of my mother long ago, and I remember looking at that and just thinking. I remember when I was a kid, I read this book by Thomas Wolfe called Look Homeward Angel, and in the end he says--what does he say?--he said, "oh lost, and by the wind grieved, ghost, come back again." That was the commune and we're going to go on to the State next time. Have a good day.
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&Manet's Execution of Maximilian is the exceedingly rare piece of political message art that really delivers.
I n 1864, Napoleon III of France, tantalized by imperial dreams, appointed a Habsburg duke named Maximilian as the emperor of Mexico. A civil war erupted, and, traumatized, the French skedaddled. They left behind Maximilian, whom the Mexicans executed in 1867 with two of his generals. The bumbling misadventure infuriated the proud French, among them the staunch republican ?douard Manet, who loathed the autocratic Napoleon III. Between 1867 and 1869, he painted several versions of the execution, now on view in a provocative show at MoMA. The exhibit is best approached as a meditation upon political art, but any allusion to 2006, says its organizer, John Elderfield, is entirely intentional.
Great political art, especially about modern barbarism, is extraordinarily rare. It’s almost impossible to create a picture with the right moral measure. Many people argue, for example, that the imagination cannot finally fathom the H art founders before the fact. Other instances of human horror aren’t much easier to represent. An artist can stun viewers with documentary evidence of brutality, of course, but that usually appears manipulative and too easy—an abandonment of art’s shaping powers. Too fine an aesthetic effect, however, seems grossly misplaced. And moral grandstanding is repugnant. In the history of painting, there are only three modern works that truly rise to the occasion, the first and greatest being Goya’s The Third of May, 1808: The Execution of the Defenders of Madrid. Picasso’s Guernica, his black-and-white response to the Fascist bombing of the Spanish town, is another. And Manet’s final version of The Execution of Emperor Maximilian is the third.
Manet surely sensed the difficulty in treating the subject, for he restlessly made three large paintings of the execution (along with a smaller painting and lithograph). The group is now being hung together on one central wall, inviting analysis of h each picture differs from the next, and the last is the best. Related materials—such as archival photographs of the execution and several other Manets, among them The Dead Toreador—are also on view. As he set out to paint the execution, Manet had much on his mind in addition to his anger at Napoleon III. The genre of history painting, which depicts important events real and imagined, was then steeped in bombast: slickly painted forms, grandiloquent arrangements, high-flown moralizing. In comparison, Goya’s The Third of May, 1808, which the French artist admired, was a howl of truth.
Manet’s first large Execution is sketchy, dark, and jumbled, as if an air of visual turmoil were necessary to capture the violence at hand. He was probably dissatisfied with the picture, if his next two large images are any indication. Whereas Goya and Picasso made use of hot, screaming outrage, the paradoxical Manet, who had about him much of the reserved dandy, was not a shouter. He had one of the most elusive, and exquisitely subtle, sensibilities in nineteenth-century art—at once warm and cool, detached and sensual, sweet and brutal. In his next two large works, his image clarifies, becoming sharper in form and cooler in feeling. He seems to strip down history painting, removing its many filters and veneers, much as he had stripped the conventions of “the nude” in Olympia to reveal a naked woman.
In the catalogue, Elderfield makes some astute observations about the role of time in Execution (which are also true of the Goya and Picasso works): The execution has both the shocking immediacy of the present and the timeless ripple of implication and reflection. Violence co-exists with contemplation. Like Goya, Manet presses the muskets into the flesh with spitting intimacy. The pr each has a different expression, with Maximilian already growing pale and haloed. The smoke unites the two kinds of time—shock becomes reverie, the present drifts into the future. The innuendoes of the painting seem unending. (The soldier with the upraised gun, our representative, already appears to be thinking.) The wall in the background, which replaced an open landscape in the damaged second version of the picture, is
it suggests the inescapable abstraction of modern violence. The faceless firing squad has the implacable aspect of a turned back. The blurry figures looking down from the wall could be Baroque statuary or the modern crowd. You cannot finally contain the meanings in Execution, just as you cannot finally know why men do what they do.
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&The path of the righteous man is beset on all sides by the inequities of the selfish and the tyranny of evil men. Blessed is he who in the name of charity and good will, shepherds the weak through the valley of the darkness. For he is truly his brother's keeper and the finder of lost children.
&And I will strike down upon thee with great vengeance and furious anger those who attempt to poison and destroy my brothers. And you will know I am the Lord when I lay my vengeance upon you."
I been sayin' that shit for years. And if you ever heard it, it meant your ass. I never really questioned what it meant. I thought it was just a cold-blooded thing to say to a motherfucker 'fore you popped a cap in his ass. But I saw some shit this mornin' made me think twice.
Now I'm thinkin', it could mean you're the evil man. And I'm the righteous man. And Mr. .45 here, he's the shepherd protecting my righteous ass in the valley of darkness.
Or it could mean you're the righteous man and I'm the shepherd and it's the world that's evil and selfish. I'd like that. But that shit ain't the truth.
&The truth is you're the weak. And I'm the tyranny of evil men. But I'm tryin'. I'm tryin' real hard to be a shepherd.
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I Want to Know
It doesn’t interest me what you do for a living. I want to know what you ache for, and if you dare to dream of meeting your heart’s longing.
It doesn’t interest me how old you are. I want to know if you will risk looking like a fool for love, for your dreams, for the adventure of being alive.
It doesn’t interest me what planets are squaring your moon. I want to know if you have touched the center of your own sorrow, if you have been opened by life’s betrayals or have become shriveled and closed from fear of further pain!
I want to know if you can sit with pain, mine or your own, without moving to hide it or fade it or fix it.
I want to know if you can be with joy, mine or your own, if you can dance with wildness and let the ecstasy fill you to the tips of your fingers and toes without cautioning us to be careful, be realistic, or to remember the limitations of being human.
It doesn’t interest me if the story you’re telling me is true. I want to know if you can disappoint another to if you can bear the accusation of betrayal and not betray your own soul. I want to know if you can be faithful and therefore be trustworthy.
I want to know if you can see beauty even when it is not pretty every day, and if you can source your life from god’s presence. I want to know if you can live with failure, yours and mine, and still stand on the edge of a lake and shout to the silver of the full moon, “Yes!”
It doesn’t interest me to know where you live or how much money you have. I want to know if you can get up after a night of grief and despair, weary and bruised to the bone, and do what needs to be done for the children.
It doesn’t interest me who you are, how you came to be here. I want to know if you will stand in the center of the fire with me and not shrink back.
It doesn’t interest me where or what or with whom you have studied. I want to know what sustains you from the inside when all else falls away. I want to know if you can be alone with yourself, and if you truly like the company you keep in the empty moments.(by Oriah Mountain Dreamer)
印地安长老的诗
你靠什么谋生，我不感兴趣。
我想知道你渴望什么，
你是不是敢梦想你心中的渴望。
你几岁，我不感兴趣。
我想知道你是不是愿意冒险，
看起来像傻瓜的危险，
为了爱，为了你的梦想，为了生命的奇遇。
&什么星球跟你的月亮平行，我不感兴趣。
我想知道你是不是触摸到你忧伤的核心，
你是不是被生命的背叛开敞了心胸，
或是变得枯萎，因为怕更多的伤痛。
我想知道你是不是能跟痛苦共处，不管是你的或是我的，
而不想去隐藏它、消除它、整修它。
我想知道你是不是能跟喜悦共处，不管是你的或是我的，
你是不是能跟狂野共舞，让激情充满了你的指尖到趾间，
而不是警告我们要小心，要实际，要记得做为人的局限。
你跟我说的故事是否真实，我不感兴趣。
我想要知道你是否能够为了对自己真诚而让别人失望，
你是不是能忍受背叛的指控，而不背叛自己的灵魂。
我想要知道你是不是能够忠实而足以信赖。
我想要知道你是不是能看到美，虽然不是每天都美丽，
你是不是能从生命的所在找到你的源头。
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Christina Georgina Rossetti　
When I am dead,my dearest,
&&&&& Sing
　　Plant thou no roses at my head,
　　Nor shady cypress tree:
　　Be the green grass above me
　　With showers and dewdrops wet,
　　And if thou wilt, remember,
　　And if thou wilt, forget.
　　I shall not see the shadows,
　　I shall not hear the nightingale
　　Sing on, as if in pain:
　　And dreaming through the twilight
　　That doth not rise nor set,
　　Haply I may remember,
&&&&&& And haply may forget.
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Beyond the ridge to the left, you asked me what I wantBetween the trees and cicadas singing around the pond"I spent an hour with you, should I want anything else?"One grinning wink like the neon on a liquor storeWe were sixteen, maybe less, maybe a little moreI walked home smiling, I finally had a story to tellAnd though an autumn time lullabySang our newborn love to sleepMy brother told me he saw you thereIn the woods one Christmas Eve, waitingI met my wife at a party, when I drank too muchMy son is married and tells me we don't talk enoughCall it predictable, yesterday my dream was of youBeyond the ridge to the west, the sun had left the skyBetween the trees and the pond, you put your hand in mineSaid, "Time has bridled us both, but I remember you too"And though an autumn time lullabySang our newborn love to sleepI dreamt I traveled and found you thereIn the woods one Christmas Eve, waiting
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born in a truck on the fourth of July gave me a card with a lady naked on the back Barefoot at night on the road Fireworks blooming above in the sky I never knew I was given the best one from the deck He never wanted nothing I remember Maybe a broken bottle if I had two Hanging behind his holy even temper Hiding the more unholy things I do Jesus the Mexican boy Gave me a ride on the back of his bike Out to the fair though I welched on a $5 bet Drunk on Calliope songs We met a home-wrecking carnival girl He's never asked for a favor or the money yet Jesus the Mexican boy Born in a truck on the 4th of July I fell in love with his sister unrepentantly Fearing he wouldn't approve We made a lie that was feeble at best Boarded a train bound for Vegas and married secretly I never gave him nothing I remember Maybe a broken bottle if I had two Hanging behind his holy even temper Hiding the more u
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&&&&&“ 世上有些人心胸狭窄，总是眉头深锁。他们只能接受、认可、或者欣赏意境庄严雄浑的作品。我呢？恕我直言，我认为在某些时刻，最完美的心灵，也能欣赏傀儡戏，无须觉得脸红不自在。在某些时候、某些场合，严肃正经的作品甚至还比不上令人愉快的荒唐故事呢！一点儿都不必惊讶，最明智的理性厌烦了过度清醒，而在食人魔和仙女出没的故事里，甜蜜安详地缓缓入睡。我不畏惧言词批判，责备我未善用余暇时光，从事正经儿的事。我要为您讲述驴皮的完整故事，满足您聆听的欲望。”&
“&我们不难理解，这个故事的目的在让孩童了解：宁可接受最严苛的考验，也不要不负责任；还有，美德可能一时受到错怪，但是真相终将享受褒扬；以及，对抗荒唐的爱情与强占的欲望，最强而有力的理性也不过像个脆弱的栅栏；以及，恋爱的人不会吝惜世上任何财富；还有，拥有清水与黑面包，就足以养活所有年轻的女孩，只要她有华美的衣服穿；以及，天底下的女人都认为自己最美丽，而且认为倘若著名的「三美之争」发生在自己身上，那只金苹果只能非她莫属。　　驴皮的故事难置信，但只要世上有小孩，有母亲、有祖母、大家都不会忘了它。”
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The Hollow MenMistah Kurtz-he dead.A penny for the Old Guy
&&&&&&&&&&&& &I&We are the hollow menWe are the stuffed menLeaning togetherHeadpiece filled with straw. Alas!Our dried voices, whenWe whisper togetherAre quiet and meaninglessAs wind in dry grassOr rats' feet over broken glassIn our dry cellar
Shape without form, shade without colour,Paralysed force, ge
Those who have crossedWith direct eyes, to death's other KingdomRemember us -- if at all -- not as lostViolent souls, but onlyAs the hollow menThe stuffed men.
&&&&&&&&&&&& &II&Eyes I dare not meet in dreamsIn death's dream kingdomThese do not appear:There, the eyes areSunlight on a broken columnThere, is a tree swingingAnd voices areIn the wind's singingMore distant and more solemnThan a fading star.
Let me be no nearerIn death's dream kingdomLet me also wearSuch deliberate disguisesRat's coat, crowskin, crossed stavesIn a fieldBehaving as the wind behavesNo nearer --
Not that final meetingIn the twilight kingdom
&&&&&&&&&&&& &III&This is the dead landThis is cactus landHere the stone imagesAre raised, here they receiveThe supplication of a dead man's handUnder the twinkle of a fading star.
Is it like thisIn death's other kingdomWaking aloneAt the hour when we areTrembling with tendernessLips that would kissForm prayers to broken stone.
&&&&&&&&&&&& &IV&The eyes are not hereThere are no eyes hereIn this valley of dying starsIn this hollow valleyThis broken jaw of our lost kingdoms
In this last of meeting placesWe grope togetherAnd avoid speechGathered on this beach of the tumid river
Sightless, unlessThe eyes reappearAs the perpetual starMultifoliate roseOf death's twilight kingdomThe hope onlyOf empty men.
&&&&&&&&&&&& &V&Here we go round the prickly pearPrickly pear prickly pearHere we go round the prickly pearAt five o'clock in the morning.
Between the ideaAnd the realityBetween the motionAnd the actFalls the ShadowFor Thine is the Kingdom
Between the conceptionAnd the creationBetween the emotionAnd the responseFalls the ShadowLife is very long
Between the desireAnd the spasmBetween the potencyAnd the existenceBetween the essenceAnd the descentFalls the ShadowFor Thine is the Kingdom
For Thine isLife isFor Thine is the
This is the way the world endsThis is the way the world endsThis is the way the world endsNot with a bang but a whimper.
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Thea von Harbou was married to the famous director&Fritz Lang. He brought many of her scripts to the screen.&In 1932, von Harbou joined the NSDAP, or Nazi Party. Lang, who&was opposed to the Nazis, left her and emigrated to&America.
They divorced in 1933.
In 1954 one of her first movies - "Der müde Tod" (1921) - was shown in Berlin once more. Thea von Harbou was present as a guest of honor as well. When she left the cinema she slipped in such an unfortunate way that she died some days later as a result of the fall.what &a transcendent power that determined&&human destiny!
In a small village somewhere in time, a stranger lease&&&& for ninety-nine years a field annex to the cemetery and&&surround it with a very high wall without gate. When a&&young couple of travelers stop in a local tavern for resting,&the fiancé vanishes and her fiancée seeks him and meets his spirit entering through the wall. She finds an entrance and& finds that the stranger is actually Death, who is tired of&&bringing suffering to the world. She begs for the life of her& beloved fiancé, and Death proposes her to save one of three lives that are in the end. If she succeeds, Death will bring&her lover back to live. The lady becomes a woman in Persia, in Venice and in China, and in all situations she fails to save&& her respective lover. Death gives her one last chance, if she manages to find within one hour a person in the village that&& could give up living. When the local hospital is burning in&&fire, the young woman realizes the only way to stay with her lover——the self-sacrifice
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-Do i look like a little white bird?
-TO me you look more like a hell cat.
1927 case of .
Snyder was a woman who, like Cora in The&&&&&&&&&&&& Postman Always Rings Twice, had conspired with her lover to murder her husband. While it is recognized that Cain& used the Snyder case as an inspiration for his 1943 novel
In the real-life case, Snyder said she'd prevented her husband from discovering the changes she'd made to his life insurance policy by telling the postman to deliver the policy's payment notices only to her, and instructing him to ring the doorbell twice as a signal indicating he had such a delivery for her.
According to Cain, Lawrence noted that he&would &know when the postman had finally arrived
&because the postman always rang twice, and Cain then lit upon that phrase as a title for his novel.
Upon discussing it further, the two men agreed such a phrase was metaphorically suited to Frank's situation at the end of the novel.
A man found a note in the back of the drawer.It's&& addressed to you.Cora wrote it.
It's a very beautiful note, Frank.written by a girl who loved a man very much.&
A man who bought the cash registerfound a note in the back of the drawer.He brought it to me.It's addressed to you.Cora wrote it.
It's a very beautiful note, Frank.written by a girlwho loved a man very much.
since she had no ideaanyone would ever see that note but you,it therefore has just enough of a confession to
&convict you of helping her kill her husband.
what I wanted to be sure of was.whether you
&If you don't believe that I can never turn on you ag-ain.and if you don't want me to go back with you. you could swim back by yourself.I'm too tired,I could&&never -make it alone.Nobody will ever know.
And now, Father comes the important thing you&&&&& can do for me.Do you think she knows?
Knows that you didn't kill her?.
She must know it.
But that's the awful part when you monkey with murder.
maybe it flashed through her head.when the car&&&&& hit that maybe I did do it.Father, do you think she&&&&&& knows the truth?
you're expecting a letter that you're just crazy to get and you hang around the front door , for fear you&&& might not hear the he ring.You never realize that he always rings twice.
Well, he rang twice for Cora., and now he's ringing twice for me,isn't he?.
The truth is, you always hear him ring the second&&& time.Even if you're way out in the back yard.
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To me a claims man is a surgeon, and&&that desk is an operating table, and those pencils are scalpels and bone chisels. And those papers are not just forms and statistics and claims for compensation.
They're alive, they're packed with drama, with twisted hopes and crooked dreams.
A claims man, Walter, is a doctor and a blood-hound and a cop and a judge and a jury and a father confessor, all in one.
-&You know why you didn't figure this one, Keyes? Let me tell you. The guy you were looking for was too close. He was right across the desk from you.
-&Closer than that, Walter.
The eyes of the two men meet in a moment of silence.
&—I love you too.
&-&Why didn't you shoot, baby?&Don't tell me it's because you've been in love with me all this time.
-&No. I never loved you, Walter. Not you, or anybody else. I'm rotten to the heart. I used you, just as you said. That's all you ever meant to&me -- until a minute ago. I didn't think anything like that could ever happen to me.when i couldn't fire that second shot
&&-&I'm sorry, baby. I'm not buying.
&&-&I'm not asking you to buy. Just hold me close.
That was all there was to it. Nothing had slipped, nothing had been&overlooked, there was nothing to&give us away.
And yet, Keyes, as I&was walking down the street to the drug store, suddenly it came over me& that everything would go wrong.
It&&sounds crazy, Keyes, but it's true,&&so help me: I couldn't hear my own footsteps.
It was the walk of a dead&man.
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拉丁人再也忍不住了，他笑着问说:「这是中国字吗?」他说:「Yap!」
他又问说:「中国字是从左边写到右边的吗?」他就笑了，表演给他看说:
「这边写过来也可以;那边写过来也可以;从上面写下来也可以;从下面写上去也可以。」
拉丁人吓坏了。
人生的旅途沒有來，都是去的
Nothings good,nothings bad.From London to Milano.Everybody wants to escape from their own body.
生命的旅程，真是有趣
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